This article was translated by Sudanese Digtal Press translation team
Dr. Al Noor Hamad, the Sudanese writer and researcher, is trying to reach a historical narration that will redislcover the homeland
And the answer to the question of identity, in a final way, and he used his cognitive tools to explore the historical and politica problems that plagued Sudan, as it is considered one of the most important manifestations of the productive spiral, and he was locked up by the circle of “creators’ escape, ”as he was still distilling his last supply to those who have changed His waving utopia loomed into his shadow, and his companions resented their race, emancipated from his excessive fatherhood, breaking the bracelets of absolute loyalty to sect, tribalism and ideology, but he belonged deeply to the Republican message, which was created by his teacher, Mahmoud Mohamed Taha, the martyr of the idea, as he is always branded
Perhaps the most important thing that Nour Al Hamad preferred in this interview was an attempt to invoke a critical reading of the structure of pastoral thought, immersed in it, also answering the questions of the present and the revolution, the future and the dilemma of the army and politics in Sudan, and the regional alignment, as great harm, so what did he say? I want to start this dialogue with you with the most famous of your works (the creators ’escape) as you look strangely on everything at an escalating pace, blaming the Egyptian occupation of the Sudanese mind, the dominant Ottoman culture and its militant tendency, and the second generation of graduates who indulged in pleasures inside the basement as a kind of escape From facing the surface ghosts, was history a heavy burden on us?
I do not think that I was grumpy, as much as I was clear in my attempt to diagnose the ills that kept the early educated on the situation of the nascent Sudanese state on the path to state building and advancement. As you can see, the first ills that accompanied the national movement are still having negative effects chasing us to this day. She made excuses for that generation and said it was a limited-educated generation that was greatly affected by the crusts of Western civilization and did not take much of its door. This was due to his limited education by the British colonists and the Egyptian colonial messengers who flocked to Sudan with the Khedive invasion. They did not take from the Western civilization its social ideology, the foundations of state building and management, but rather the appearance of Franks, self-pampering, and a passion for prestige.
Was it a generation separate from its roots at all? That generation also departed from the Sufi heritage of Sudan, from Christian and Kushite spirituality, and was satisfied with the peeling of religion, which came with the scholars of Al-Azhar, who were dispatched by Muhammad Ali in order to religiously follow the Sudanese country to the authoritarian Khedive religious establishment of Al-Azhar. It is this mixture of the scales of Western civilization and the scales of religion that has imprisoned political practice in the category of quarrels and unproductive conflicts that have now revolted against the youth of 19 December. This history has cast a heavy shadow on our present, and our training in getting rid of it is still long.
Don't you think that when there is an opportunity to write about Al Noor Hamad after many years, it may be included in the category of fugitives from their reality as well? Of course, those who come after us are entitled to a critical approach to our life experiences, as we did with those before us. It does not bother me to describe me as a fugitive, as we are not all legendary heroes. Even the legendary heroes move from one place to another, when conditions compel them to leave, then return the ball again. The Prophet, may God bless him and grant him peace, for example, left Mecca to his family, the Qurans, when they plotted his life, and he found the bond from the Aws and Khazraj in Medina, but he later returned and conquered Makkah.
So is another migration? Personally, and many others, we came out with the advent of the rescue coup and many began returning after the Naivasha agreement. Many of those returned to their exiles again, when things stumbled, the south seceded, and the salvation unified in power, and conditions worsened. The Sudanese outside Sudan are now no less than five million people, and all this waste is due to bad governance. In general, if one is unable to succeed in his country, due to the official policies based on exclusion, there is no harm in going out to achieve success, life and a reasonable financial resource for the requirements of the family. This migration for the Sudanese has brought a huge storehouse of expertise and capabilities. And if the country settled, and the rule of law returned, and freedoms and democratic order returned, and the wheel of development circled in it, all who left will return and will be a huge mental capital, because of what they acquired abroad.
You are a loyal son of the Republican idea, but you do not believe in the necessity of the effectiveness of the Republican Party, or at least you are not politically active in the party. Why ? The republican idea is an enlightening idea, based on spiritual revival, in the sense of cognitive and moral advancement, and then comes the call for religious reform. But religious reform in Islamic environments, in its current form, is not an easy job, and it will take a long time. And religious reform, as I understand it, should go in the direction of broad intellectual openness, satisfying broad spiritual shades of universal human virtues, away from the fanaticism of all the people of a belief of their faith. In short, religious reform will not be Replacing doctrine with a new doctrine, that is; Replacing a new dogma with a dogma. I base my intellectual attitudes on the essence of Mr. Mahmoud’s thought and his method of liberating thought and keeping it away from falling into the pit of simplistic certainties, consistency and immobility. At the same time, I also rely on the overall liberal human heritage shaded by the umbrella of cosmic spirituality, which the visionaries in all corners of the earth have shared across the boundaries of beliefs and comprehensive theories.
As if you tend to address a complex problem? I tend more at this stage of our development stages within the Sudanese state to address the partial problems presented by contemporary reality, and I do not tend to preach a comprehensive theory or a comprehensive ideology, holding.
Well what about a rebellion against organizational action? Party organizational work is restrictive. If it is suitable for some, it does not necessarily suit others. I am one of those who is not suited to joining the party organization. Not everyone is necessarily a partisan. In all democracies in today's world, party organizers represent only a limited segment of the total population, and partisan organizational work obliges you to adhere to, or even defend, the opinion of the majority. And I do not think that minds have risen to the level of intellectual affinity, and cognitive maturity, which makes the organized individual partisan, adheres to the opinion of the majority, and defends it, Without harming this individual in some way. In general, what suits me most at this stage is the intellectual work, the contribution to enlightenment, and the research into the complex problems in the structure of Sudanese consciousness, which have long impeded the renaissance and growth, as well as the convergence of views on the overall issues. In general, I would argue that the thought of Professor Mahmoud is essentially present, as I write, but, without any repetition of raw prostitutes to the statements of Professor Mahmoud and crammed them into any context, on the occasion and inappropriate.
How do you evaluate the current political developments in Sudan? We are now at the darkest stage in the history of our independent state. This revolution must express and reach its goal of re-establishing the rule of law, restoring a democratic system, and placing the state in the form it should be. That is, it has one army, under one command, that functions according to the tasks set for it by the constitution, as well as a police that operates according to the law, and stands in monitoring its performance as a fully independent judiciary. Added to this is a parliament that has the capacity to interrogate and hold accountants of positions in the executive branch. Max Weber believes that the state is the only one that should monopolize the use of violence. Therefore, one of the signs of the failure of the state is that the use of violence becomes available to entities operating outside the framework of the state, or to parties operating within the state framework, but with complete independence from some of them. If we don't discuss its dangers clearly, we work hard to prevent them.
What happened after Al-Bashir’s departure, is it a revolution or a military coup in your opinion? There is a revolution in the street, crystal clear, and there are revolutionaries who facilitated this revolution the task of displacing Bashir, and those close to him. But the military insists that they place themselves in Bashir's place. Or at least, they are determined to engineer, through the transitional period, the return of the Bashir regime in a new formula, and this is the reason for the push and pull situation taking place now. The people want to fulfill their will, and the military wants to break the will of the revolutionary people, And imposing their personal and party agendas on the paths of affairs. There are clear dictates from some regional powers to the military council, and to the Islamists, whose purpose is to prevent the success of the Sudanese spring experiment, and to achieve its raised slogans, for many reasons. We are now in the midst of a battle to break a bone, regarding the fate of the efforts to restore the Sudanese state, which has become a plunder of regional powers on both sides of the political equation of regional powers.
Sudan is suffering from the problem of aligning the axes, and it is now closer to the Saudi-Emirati axis. Are there any harms resulting from that? Sudan's decision has been sourced by regional powers since its independence. Sudan remained influenced in its decision-making in the regional centers, through the reigns of military rule and civil party. This has dragged him at the level of ideological foundations and political trends that governed the choices of ideological parties, such as the Communists and the Brotherhood, and the Baathists and Nasserites to base, with a degree of amounts, on platforms outside Sudan. This applies to the siblings' party, which has transformed over time into a Democratic Unionist. Now, this drag to the Arab regional poles has reached its worst level and is dangerous. Sudan will not be removed from this hole in a day and a night. This requires awareness of the level of understanding the components of the Sudanese identity. It also requires the emancipation of the minds from dependency and emotional identification with those who obscure their identity and wear a false identity in order to exploit it and impede its growth and hinder its choice in liberation and democracy. It is an option that resembles the historical formation of the Sudanese nation. It is necessary to come out with awareness, follow-up and mental occupation. A new political awareness, a new patriotism and a new definition of patriotism and its fundamentals must be born. The degree of being drawn into the Gulf axis is shameful and regrettable. Indeed, it has blown up, not just in words, all the national constants, in some cases it has reached the level of employment and high treason.
Do you not think that the forces of freedom and change carry the seeds of deep-rooted differences that prevent them from carrying out joint national missions during the transitional period? Yes, there are historical differences between these forces, and there are intrigues, and there is a tendency to be alone in victory. But the masses of the revolution, who started the revolution before the forces of freedom and change were created, must also put it under observation. And not leave her the rope on the boat. The problem is on both sides, but it is bigger on the side of the Military Council and the remnants of the National Congress.
How do you see the future, or do you envision a solution to the complex political problem in Sudan? I look at the future of Sudan with a mind sitting in the isthmus between suspicion and certainty. My belief in Sudan's brilliant future comes from what I witnessed in this unique revolution. This great revolution has postponed the mineral of Sudanese people, which has accumulated rust. This curve made sure that great history never dies. The Sudanese nation is a nation with a glorious history. It can be said that the summaries of the high human virtues, which are derived from the acquisition of history, are hidden in genes, in situations of civilized stagnation, but they soon explode in critical turns, such as the one we are going through now. As for my complaint, on the one hand, there is a lot of money, equipment, and equipment for the few bad people, local and regional, who work day and night to lock people in the position of the men of arms, but they are defeated, with God's help, because they are spiritually incapacitated due to the worship of money. : "but we throw the falsehood with right so it diminishes until its disappear".
I talked a lot about the pastoral mind, and if we drop that concept on the phenomenon of Rapid Support Forces commander Muhammad Hamdan Hamidati, does the man seem suitable to measure? The phenomenon, as I addressed it, is still much larger. I am currently working on producing the thesis in a large book containing an expanded historical reading supported by reference references, but it can be said that the phenomenon of Hamidati represents one of the manifestations of the "pastoral mind". The "pastoral mind" views the state and public money as a spoil. The pastoral mind believes in oppression and domination, and in bullying with arms alone. The pastoral mind is against institutionalization and against adherence to the rule of law. And the phenomenon of Hamidty, and every similar phenomenon, but it reflects in different ways these characteristics.
Why do we need to criticize the structure of pastoral consciousness, to the point of downloading all our cultural disappointments, and is it a product of nurturing and the environment, or can we say that it is a general Sudanese case? We need to criticize the structure of the pastoral mind because we were the people of a stable civilization, and the people of a very old country, and at some point in our history we turned into pastors. Or say, for the sake of accuracy, our majority has for various reasons turned into pastoralists, among which are pastoralists' invasions of stable Sudanese environments, and the implantation of Bedouin perceptions of religion into the land of our cultures. As for our cultural disappointments, as you preferred, the reasons are many, but the essence is the disruption of the structure of consciousness. Among the intent of our awareness structure is the buoyancy of the characteristics of the culture of grazing and movement over the culture of stability, the decline in respect for property, the acceptance of the state apparatus, and compliance with the rule of law. Pastoralism has turned things around in our Sudanese cultures, upside down. The pursuit of power became his goal of personal, family, tribal, and regional gain, not the public good. And along this path, the costs of urbanization, stability, prosperity, and growth have decreased.
What is your problem exactly with the experience of political Islam in Sudan? I have no personal problem with political Islam, except in the context of our problem, we all Sudanese are with him in the sense that we are very much harmed by him, who is no longer hidden from anyone. What we are in today is a very dangerous stalemate, caused by political Islam and haste to seize power by force, to break the rule of law and to kidnap the entire country by a few faction, only because it believes that it is empowered by the sky to impose its complete domination on others, and confiscate their right to opinion and objection and insulting and humiliating them Their will is broken only because they disagree with it. But their poverty and do not care about their impoverishment. "It is not the duty of the government to provide a decent life for people," said former Secretary General of the Islamic Movement Ali Othman, or said something to that effect.
Although Dr. Al-Turabi has intellectual jurisprudence, enthusiasm for freedom and attempts to restore power to the path of righteousness and, as a result, he paid exorbitant prices for imprisonment, betrayal, and conspiracy, yet he bore a lot on him. Why? Dr. al-Turabi's late enthusiasm for democracy is not inherent, but rather something that forced him to remove him from power. He was originally the architect of the salvage iron fist and put the entire country in the hands of one organization. It is this wrong foundation on which all the difficult problems we are suffering today are based. Even criticism of his experience, which was broadcast in great detail in his episodes with Al-Jazeera, insisted that it not be broadcast until after his death.
What does it mean to postpone the broadcast of the episodes? This in itself is puzzling and seriously contesting the originality of the motives for criticism. And the fact that Dr. Al-Turabi suffered what his disciples, who turned against him, suffered from imprisonment, insult and denial of the good, does not absolve him of the responsibility of causing the greatest disaster in Sudanese political history for the period after independence, which is the rescue disaster that we all today are bewildered about getting out of its many severe dilemmas Seriousness. The Islamic brothers should leave Dr. Al-Turabi’s station in the history of the Islamic movement’s march. He was a compassionate and compassionate, powerful politician, Regardless of his pragmatic methods. He built the Sudanese Islamic Movement a huge organizational edifice in a few decades. Let them keep this credit for him, but they must uproot their tents and leave their climate in which they have shaken for a time under the man’s shadow. Today, Islamists must produce a liberal, democratic, and authentic Islamic ideology, not a slogan of slogans. They need new political thinking and behavior that suits new contexts. So far, their production on this side remains very little, if not nonexistent.
Returning to the relationship between the army and politics in Sudan, it seems close to it. How can the disengagement and the establishment of a lasting democracy be established? This is our biggest issue. We need to return the Sudanese state to the founding platform. The call of the Umma Party Prime Minister, Abdullah Khalil, to Lieutenant General Ibrahim Abboud to take power was the first step in dragging the army into politics by politicians. From that moment, the parties became keen to have a military arm within the army. The reason, then, is not in the army, but in the politicians who want to reach power in every way, even by blowing up the constitution and its principles. We have had this wrong behavior a lot. Now, this revolution represents a golden opportunity to bring the Sudanese state back to the platform of establishment again, and to put the army in its natural place, by virtue of the constitution, away from the political battlefield.
Why is the life of the democratic experience short in Sudan compared to the experiences of the military regimes (Abboud, Nimeiri and Al-Bashir)? Perhaps the answer to this question was implicit in the previous question. The life of democracy is short because our parties do not believe in democracy. And because it calls the army, and plots coups against democracy. Our parties want power seats, regardless of the means to reach these seats. Therefore, there must be self-criticism and collective criticism of our political experience. After all, what is true is correct, and what is true is patience and democracy, as it is the only guarantor of stability and the full-fledged state. In India's experience, which took place just a few years ago, we have a good example of India entering the club of the big powers.
In your series of articles that have turned into the book, "Why does the genie of the plateau wake up, and the easy genie fall asleep?" You practiced a kind of self-flagellation and fascination with a country that has not yet led to a national accord, and is living a war of deadly identities? The phrase "self-flagellation" has become a scarecrow to keep critics out of criticism. It is a statement made by the current and existing Ethan worshipers who do not want any change. If we are negligent enough to be worthy of self-flagellation, what is strange that we are whipping ourselves? Rather, it becomes imperative, in such a situation, to whip ourselves. Yes, Ethiopia did not convert to full national reconciliation, but it achieved a lot in it, which made it politically and developing stable. National reconciliation is a wide area. Many Western countries have separatist movements, although they are democratic and industrialized. Therefore, we should not leave the buzz of words, obscure the true meaning of us. Ethiopia's constitution is based on an ethnic federation, and gives each region the right to secede by referendum, whenever it wants. Federal rule in Ethiopia is much ahead of Sudan, as the regions have the right to study in the basic stage in the mother tongue. Ethiopia is surrounded by the Arab League countries and does not lead in its policies to dependency losing its independence of its decision. As for economic growth, all indicators indicate that the rate of growth in Ethiopia is one of the highest in the world and has continued at this pace for more than ten years. And let us wait another ten years to see the distinguished situation that Ethiopia will occupy in the African continent.
Why did you choose Ethiopia specifically as a model for this study? I chose Ethiopia for the sake of comparison because it is a neighbor, and because its resources are immeasurably less than ours, however, I knew how to stabilize and how to get up. Do I also need to say that the country in Ethiopia is strong in its hand and that there are no militias in it?
The world is heading for a war vow, a mysterious century deal and a frightening line-up. Doesn't that bother? It annoys me that the world is at its worst now, and it can be said that the era of great leaders is over. There are now no leaders in the world such as Winston Churchill, Charles de Gaulle, Franklin Roosevelt, or Joseph Stalin. Capitalism has brought the world to a position where presidents are subordinate to transcontinental companies and arms manufacturing centers. I do not think that a war will take place in the foreseeable future. If it did, it would be very partial. For example, the failure of the American elites, dragging them behind the centers of money, and linking the media with money, not enlightenment, caused populism to ignite among the public, from the silent and neglected, so they brought an ignorant, immoral man like Donald Trump, and set him at the top of the power hierarchy in a country that considered power The largest on Earth.